Trump Administration Should Be Wary of Granting Qatar and Turkey Executive Power in Gaza

President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace is off the ground, and the first test of its capabilities is to maintain a shaky ceasefire in Gaza.

The board, launched on January 16 and further outlined by Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, at the World Economic Forum in Davos on January 22, will oversee a subcommittee named the Gaza Executive Board (GEB). The GEB is tasked with facilitating the implementation of the Trump administration-brokered ceasefire in Gaza.

However, the presence of Turkey and Qatar on the 11-member GEB could yet derail the stabilization process. The United States assigned seats on the subcommittee to senior officials from both nations, whose support for Hamas has been copiously documented. Granting these officials a degree of influence over the future of Gaza spells trouble for the neutral management of the ceasefire and could allow Hamas to reestablish itself in the territory.

Gaza Executive Board Sparks Discord

According to the White House, the GEB will liaise with a government of Palestinian technocrats responsible for working on the ground to rehabilitate civil services. While the balance of power between the bodies is unclear, Trump’s ceasefire states that the technocratic government will operate under the GEB’s “oversight and supervision.”

Hours after the White House named the GEB’s roster, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu voiced Jerusalem’s objection to its composition, rooted in unease over the presence of Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and leading Qatari lawyer Hassan Al-Thawadi.

Turkey and Qatar Are Not Likely To Act as Neutral Board Members

Both Qatar and Turkey have expressed animus toward Jerusalem, funding Hamas and providing refuge for its leadership. They have issued scathing statements against Israel replete with the same antisemitic tropes promoted by Hamas and its international network of supporters.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan made Ankara’s support for Hamas clear throughout the war in Gaza. In May 2024, Erdogan remarked that, “We don’t deem Hamas a terrorist organization,” while boasting that Turkish hospitals were treating some 1,000 Hamas terrorists at the time. The Turkish president has also compared Netanyahu to Adolf Hitler and threatened to dispatch Turkish troops to Israel to intervene on behalf of Hamas during the war in Gaza.

Meanwhile, on two occasions in late 2025, Fidan held meetings in Turkey with Hamas delegations, during which he “emphasized” to his Hamas counterparts that “Turkey continues to defend the rights of Palestinians.”

Congruently, Qatar is still home to at least two members of Hamas’s Political Bureau, Khalil Al-Hayya and Khaled Meshaal. The emirate falsely claimed in 2024 that no Hamas leaders continued to reside in Doha. Meanwhile, Qatari state media outlet Al Jazeera has amplified Hamas messaging throughout the war in Gaza.

Netanyahu earlier objected to Qatari and Turkish participation in the International Stabilization Force, the proposed military backbone of Trump’s Gaza plan. But including their representatives on the GEB will give both states influence over Gaza’s future. Though the veto power of other members remains unclear, there is a risk that Turkey and Qatar may slyly push for their ally Hamas to retain arms through integration, despite the Trump administration’s optimism that the terror group will surrender its weapons.

To Participate in GEB, Ankara and Doha Must Distance Themselves From Hamas

To head off hostile actions by Fidan and Al-Thawadi under the auspices of the GEB, the Trump administration should condition Turkey and Qatar’s participation in the subcommittee on their expulsion of Hamas officials and the termination of all diplomatic and financial ties to the terrorist group.

With Hamas weakened and holding no living hostages, Qatar and Turkey’s mediation in an active conflict is no longer required. Trump may opt to allow the two states to preserve some ties to Hamas for the purpose of disarming the terrorist organization, but if this is the case, then the surrender of weapons should be executed within an agreed upon, and strictly enforced, timeframe.

Qatar’s participation should also hinge on its formal recognition of Israel’s right to a sovereign existence as a Jewish state. Members of the GEB will be expected to exhibit neutrality in their decisions regarding both Israel and the Palestinians. Turkey maintains diplomatic relations with Israel; the U.S. should require no less of Qatar.

Ben Cohen is a senior analyst and the rapid response director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), where Aaron Goren is a research analyst and editor. For more analysis from Aaron, Ben, and FDD, please subscribe HERE. Follow Aaron on X @RealAaronGoren. Follow Ben on X @BenCohenOpinion. Follow FDD on X @FDD. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.