Yemen on the Brink of a Return to Civil War

When the Houthis in Yemen entered the conflict between the United States and Iran on July 20 by announcing a maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia, it spelled danger in the Red Sea. Now, it appears Yemenis themselves may pay the highest price for the Houthis’ renewed violence.

The Iran-backed Houthis escalated their attacks on military and civilian targets across Yemen beginning on August 6. The group has since expanded its attacks, including a campaign against Mocha, the major government-controlled port on Yemen’s southern Red Sea coast. These attacks have reportedly left dozens of civilians and soldiers dead and more injured — the Houthis claim hundreds, but the internationally recognized government of Yemen has not shared an official number.

The country’s conflict lines have remained largely static since a UN-brokered agreement in 2022 ended the civil war sparked by the Houthi seizure of Sanaa, Yemen’s capital, in 2014. Now, the group is escalating domestic attacks, hoping to expand its hold in the country. But Yemeni forces cannot counter the Houthis without the support of the Saudis, who have not committed to joining the fighting.

Houthis Attack Key Government Positions

The attacks on August 6 focused on government forces in Marib, a key frontline governorate in central Yemen with oil reserves and infrastructure, and Hadramawt, an eastern governorate where some Saudi-backed Yemeni forces are deployed. The ongoing Houthi attacks on Mocha have targeted military, civilian, and port infrastructure, according to Yemen’s Ministry of Defense. Mocha is the headquarters of the government-aligned National Resistance Forces, who are central to countering the Houthis on Yemen’s west coast and have intercepted major weapons-smuggling efforts.

Despite attacking Yemeni government and government-aligned forces, Houthi military media has characterized their attacks as “targeting Saudi enemy mobilizations.” Houthi propaganda portrays Riyadh’s measures to isolate and counter the terror group as oppressing Yemenis, thus casting the Houthis as national heroes for confronting the kingdom. In reality, Saudi Arabia supports the internationally recognized government of Yemen and acts at its request against the Houthis.

Riyadh Explores Military and Diplomatic Options in Yemen

In late July, Yemeni sources reported that Saudi Arabia was preparing for a possible military operation following Houthi attacks on Saudi infrastructure and vessels. Riyadh announced a 13-country maritime coalition to protect shipping in the Red Sea on July 30 and signed a mutual defense treaty with Pakistan and Turkey on August 7. It is uncertain how those two strategic partners will respond to Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia.

Simultaneously, Riyadh is pursuing a negotiated solution with Omani mediators to end both the escalation in Yemen and Houthi attacks on Saudi Arabia. The Houthis have been pressuring Saudi Arabia to pay reparations for damage allegedly caused by the Saudi-led coalition during the civil war, including lost income, and public-sector salaries. While a negotiated agreement would not remove the threat on Saudi Arabia’s southern border, it may quiet that front amid attacks on the kingdom from Yemen as well as Iran’s proxies in Iraq. Likewise, quiet from the Houthis would protect vital energy flows through the Red Sea.

Preventing Houthi Resupply Is Crucial

To support Yemeni and Saudi responses to Houthi escalation, Washington should take further steps to contain and isolate the Houthis.

In coordination with regional partners through multilateral maritime security organizations like the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), the United States can prioritize the interdiction of weapons traveling to the Houthis. The Trump administration should also support Saudi efforts to prevent Iran and its Houthi proxy from normalizing direct flights between them, which would open air supply routes.

Washington should interrupt Houthi financial lifelines. The Trump administration should pressure Oman to expel the group’s leaders from Muscat, from which the Houthis can access the global financial system. Treasury should also identify and sanction additional Houthi crypto wallets, an increasingly important element of Houthi financing.

At the same time, the Trump administration should also remind Riyadh that any agreements that involve the transfer of funds to the Houthis would be in violation of U.S. sanctions.

Bridget Toomey is a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). For more analysis from Bridget and FDD, please subscribe HERE. Follow Bridget on X @BridgetKToomey. Follow FDD on X @FDD. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.