U.S. Strikes Nuclear Sites, Iran Retaliates With Ballistic Missiles

Iran attacked U.S. forces in Qatar with ballistic missiles on June 23, two days after U.S. precision strikes on three nuclear sites in Iran inflicted serious damage on the country’s nuclear program. However, the strikes on the Isfahan, Natanz, and Fordow nuclear sites may not have fully destroyed all of the program’s elements. President Donald Trump ordered the attack after Iran failed to negotiate an agreement within 60 days.

Operation Midnight Hammer

The U.S. operation involved more than 125 U.S. aircraft, including B-2 stealth bombers, 4th- and 5th-generation fighters, aerial refueling tankers, and intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance aircraft, as well as a guided-missile submarine, according to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Dan Caine at a Pentagon press briefing on June 22. A large number of B-2 bombers launched from Whiteman Air Force Base, Missouri, with some heading west as a diversion and the real strike package consisting of seven B-2s traveling east across the Atlantic. After multiple mid-air refuelings, the B-2s entered Iranian airspace as “several deception tactics” were employed. A protection package of other U.S. aircraft swept for Iranian fighters and air defenses.

The B-2s dropped 14 GBU-57 Massive Ordnance Penetrators (MOPs) in total against Fordow and Natanz, marking the first operational use of the MOP. These 30,000-pound class weapons are by far the largest bunker busters in the U.S. arsenal. A guided-missile submarine fired more than two dozen Tomahawk missiles at the Isfahan nuclear site, adding significantly to the damage Israel had already inflicted there. All MOPs and Tomahawks struck their targets within a 25-minute span. In total, U.S. forces employed “approximately 75 precision-guided weapons” during Operation Midnight Hammer. General Caine said on June 22 that he was unaware of any shots Iran fired at the aircraft, suggesting U.S. deception and/or suppression efforts were successful.

Serious but Unclear Damage to Tehran’s Nuclear Program

Caine’s initial battle damage assessment was that “all three sites sustained extremely severe damage and destruction” but stressed that “final battle damage will take some time.” Satellite imagery shows damage to numerous buildings at Isfahan as a result of Tomahawk cruise missiles and shows large holes at Fordow and Natanz, presumably from MOPs. Internal U.S. and Israeli assessments indicated serious damage but not complete destruction of Fordow, according to The New York Times.

At Fordow, questions remain regarding the actual damage at the deeply buried facility. There are also questions regarding the status of Iran’s stockpile of already enriched uranium, which could be used to build a nuclear weapon. Vice President JD Vance indicated in an interview on June 22 that Iran still had access to at least some of that stockpile.

Iran Responds

Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi posted on X on June 22 that “Iran reserves all options to defend its sovereignty, interest, and people,” previewing the attack on Qatar a day later. If Iran conducts additional strikes, they could take a number of forms, including cyberattacks, attacks by Tehran or its proxy forces on American forces, bases, or diplomatic facilities, an attempted closure of the Strait of Hormuz, or even terrorist attacks against Americans abroad or on U.S. soil.

Tehran likely did not conduct a larger retaliation because of Trump’s warnings to the regime and the fact that the United States and Israel can strike targets in Iran with precision and effectiveness. Additionally, the regime knows its command-and-control network and air defenses have been significantly degraded. While Tehran may have questioned Washington’s will to use military force in the past, that is likely no longer the case.

The priority now for the United States is to ensure that Tehran does not have the means to build a nuclear weapon, to strengthen U.S. military force protection measures, and to ready plans that make the regime think twice regarding attacks against Americans. 

Bradley Bowman is senior director of the Center on Military and Political Power at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, where Ryan Brobst is the deputy director. For more analysis from the authors and CMPP, please subscribe HERE. Follow Brad on X @Brad_L_Bowman and Ryan @RyanBrobst_ Follow FDD on X @FDD and @FDD_CMPP. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.