Syria’s Parliamentary “Elections” Are a Charade

Parliamentary elections in Syria will take place in September, Damascus announced on July 27 — but the people will not vote and presidential appointees will choose the winners. Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa put this power in his own hands via Syria’s interim constitution, known as its constitutional declaration, which his appointees drafted, and Sharaa adopted in March. According to the constitutional declaration, Sharaa will directly appoint one-third of a legislature to be known as the People’s Assembly, while committees he establishes will appoint the other two-thirds.

There will be neither a direct vote by the Syrian people nor an indirect process where elected representatives choose lawmakers. Sharaa will exercise control of the legislative branch, even as he argued in December 2024 that Syria deserves a system in which no “single ruler makes arbitrary decisions.”

Sharaa’s Interim Constitution Gives Him the Power To Appoint Lawmakers

The constitutional declaration gives Sharaa extensive powers to shape Syria’s political trajectory over the next five years. In addition to the power to choose one-third of the parliament, Article 24 states the president will form a “higher committee” to supervise the formation of  “electoral sub-committees” to select the remaining two-thirds. Sharaa formed the higher committee in June and appointed as its leader Muhammad al-Ahmad, a former member of the Syrian Salvation Government, which administered the enclave Sharaa controlled prior to ousting Bashar al-Assad. The higher committee will form subcommittees in each of Syria’s 14 governorates.  

Each of the 14 subcommittees will form an electoral body of 30-50 individuals in their respective governorates. This electoral body will then vote for registered candidates. This is the only form of voting that will take place.

Syrian media have claimed that, due to the large-scale displacement caused by the civil war and the absence of the political infrastructure to hold direct elections, indirect elections are the best option. But it is hardly an indirect election if voters choose none of the participants in the process.

The Elections Are the Latest Example of Syria’s Exclusionary Politics

Holding faux elections is no departure for Shaara. He pledged to build an inclusive system, yet in practice, like-minded Islamists and loyalists have dominated the institutions he has created. In January, Sharaa convened a “victory conference” during which 18 militia leaders — all of whom are Sunni — appointed him interim president. He did not consult Syria’s other communities.

The following month, Sharaa held a national dialogue conference that explicitly excluded any group that refused to integrate into the state’s armed forces, effectively barring the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). Moreover, because the conference’s organization was rushed, many key figures outside Syria were unable to attend.

The same exclusionary politics emerged during the constitutional drafting process. Kurdish and Druze demands for equal participation and respect for their local concerns were absent from the constitutional declaration. Now, despite holding consultations with delegations from various governorates regarding the parliamentary elections, the higher committee has moved forward without engaging key actors, such as the SDF and the Druze armed factions. As a result, these factions will likely be excluded from the subcommittees responsible for forming the local electoral college.

Damascus failed to consult these factions because they continue to resist integrating into the state. However, this is mainly due to their distrust of Sharaa and his exclusionary record.

U.S. Policy Should Uphold Commitment To Help Protect Syrian Minorities

The United States has a strong interest in an inclusive transition process that results in a representative government with adequate protections for minority rights and civil liberties. At the same time, Washington is determined to allow Sharaa to centralize his rule over Syria and reverse the fragmentation of the civil war years. Yet the Trump administration should consistently make clear to Sharaa that sustainable centralization depends on adequate protection and representation for Syria’s ethnic and religious minorities.

Ahmad Sharawi is a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). For more analysis from Ahmad and FDD, please subscribe HERE. Follow Ahmad on X @AhmadA_Sharawi. Follow FDD on X @FDD. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.