How Mao is Outsmarting Madison in American K-12 Classrooms

In a legislative blitz last week, the House of Representatives passed 25 bills to counter Beijing’s growing influence and protect Americans from threats associated with everything from drones and biotechnology to electronic vehicles. But legislators should not ignore one of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) less noticed but no less concerning campaigns: CCP Confucius Classrooms in American K-12 schools. 

Beijing has created these unobtrusive beachheads in which Mao is essentially masquerading as Mr. Rogers to expand its influence and gain access to American education and community leaders. With these pint-sized outposts, the CCP is exploiting the democratic system designed to limit American governmental power to instead accumulate power and promote Beijing’s authoritarian interests inside the United States.

The CCP likes to tell its story in ways intended to shape how individuals think about China, normalizing or minimizing autocracy and thereby promoting positive historical and cultural narratives about China while diminishing the United States. For Beijing’s storytellers, the Confucius Classroom provides direct access to captive audiences consisting of America’s most impressionable listeners. 

This is part of a broader effort in which Beijing “seeks to set and shape global narratives to bolster China’s composite national strength and international influence,” according to Craig Singleton, senior director of the China Program at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “The United States is a major focus of China’s international cognitive warfare.” 

Many Americans may be familiar with the now widely shuttered and stigmatized Confucius Institutes, the CCP-sponsored influence operations disguised as benign language and cultural centers, which first appeared on U.S. college campuses nearly two decades ago. Largely due to pressure from policymakers, the number of Confucius Institutes fell from 113 in 2018 to fewer than five as of October 2023. But Confucius Classrooms continue to flourish in many K-12 schools. 

Last week, the House of Representatives passed legislation related to Confucius Institutes, higher education, and Department of Homeland Security funding designed to keep pressure on universities to avoid supporting Confucius Institutes. Beijing has used Confucius Institutes to provide funding and administrative support and staff Confucius Classrooms, and more must be done to get the CCP out of America’s K-12 classrooms.

So how pervasive is the Confucius Classroom problem?

By 2019, the CCP had established Confucius Classrooms in more than 500 K-12 schools in the United States, according to a staff report by the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. In a July 2024 report, however, the National Association of Scholars documented 164 Confucius Classrooms still operating in the United States. This apparent decrease may be associated with the decline in Confucius Institutes or the success of the CCP in rebranding the programs, among other reasons. Regardless, the CCP is still operating in K-12 classrooms around the country, and we do not know the precise number, as few, if any, schools and districts are required to report on the programs. 

By design, America’s system of federalism makes education largely a local affair, aligned with founder James Madison’s vision of dual sovereignty embodied in the Constitution. As part of this design, management of international relations remains primarily the purview of the federal government. Accordingly, local education and community leaders are often understandably less familiar with national security concerns associated with the CCP. That makes these Americans especially susceptible to manipulation by Beijing. 

The CCP has exploited the American system of federalism in three fundamental ways.

The first relates to insufficient knowledge or attention on both the national and subnational levels. Congress and the executive branch may not be fully aware of the various international agreements entered into with the CCP by state and local governments. Meanwhile, governors, mayors, and leaders in many local communities may lack an essential understanding of the growing threat from Beijing and its broad range of troubling activities. 

The second way concerns scarce human and financial resources. Nationwide educator shortages have often made it difficult to find teachers for core subjects. That’s particularly true for elective Mandarin instruction, a gap that Confucius Classrooms aim to fill.

For example, Oregon’s St. Mary’s School, which boasts its purported status as the “first Confucius Classroom established in North or South America,” faced existential financial hardship before making connections with Chinese education officials. The CCP’s relationships with K-12 schools hosting Confucius Classrooms vary, but often include a combination of funding, materials, and personnel. An education administrator from New York put it this way: “It’s shameful that the only way we can offer Chinese in the Buffalo school district — which is almost bankrupt — is that we have to ask the Chinese. It’s sad.”  

Finally, a short-sighted lack of occupational prestige afforded to teachers and administrators can leave them craving recognition, respect, and opportunity. What underappreciated and unsuspecting school administrator wouldn’t accept an invitation to travel to Beijing to receive his school’s “Confucius Classroom of the Year” award from Liu Yandong, the former vice premier of China? One superintendent compared the experience to being given an award by the vice president of the United States. 

Thankfully, Americans do not need to accept the status quo. Officials at all levels of government could start by implementing awareness campaigns to ensure Americans understand the national security concerns associated with K-12 programs beholden to the CCP. 

The Department of Education should work with state governments to establish, maintain, and submit to Congress annually a list of all programs in K-12 schools that are funded, supported, or affiliated with the CCP. If the DOE fails to take this step, Congress should require the DOE to do so. 

But understanding the full scope of the problem is not enough. The United States should also establish a fund allocated to states to support K-12 public school Mandarin language instruction taught by those with no connection to Beijing or its propaganda apparatus. U.S. citizens with Chinese heritage would be one option, along with teachers from Taiwan or other nations where Chinese is spoken but are beyond the CCP’s reach. This funding could be made available to states that the Department of Education certifies do not have any existing Confucius Classrooms or similar CCP programs in public schools.  

Finally, if Americans believe its educators are the backbone of democracy, then states and districts should begin addressing the teaching prestige deficit and strengthen the institutional resilience of schools by paying teachers in a manner commensurate with their vital role. 

U.S. leaders must do more to address a major vulnerability Beijing is exploiting to gain power at the intersection of local K-12 education and national security. Madison wouldn’t be pleased. Neither should we. 

Antonette Bowman is a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.