Rouhani Purges the IRGC From Local Government

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani is systematically purging the executive branch of the veterans of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). Among Rouhani’s 18 cabinet ministers, there are only four IRGC veterans. This is a far cry from Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s two presidential cabinets, which each featured around 60% IRGC commanders apiece. And Rouhani is not done purging.  He is now also removing the Guards as he appoints new governor-generals.

Iran is subdivided into 31 provinces [ostan]. Each is administered by a governor-general [ostandar], who enjoys vast powers as the highest central government representative in the province. With the exception of the provinces of Qom and Khorasan-e Razavi whose governor-generals are yet to be appointed, Rouhani has sacked all Ahmadinejad appointees and tapped 29 new governor-generals. In doing so, Rouhani has systematically replaced IRGC veterans with civilians who previously served in internal security directorates of province government structures. Rouhani’s four remaining IRGC governor-generals are a significant downgrade from the 17 governor-generals with an IRGC background under Ahmadinejad.

Rouhani’s four remaining IRGC governor-generals are not only numerically few, three held insignificant positions in the IRGC prior to their appointment. Esmail Jabbarzadeh, East Azerbaijan governor-general, served in the IRGC field hospital during the war with Iraq. Vajh-Allah Khedmatgozar, South Khorasan governor-general, is a war veteran but made his career in technical capacities in Tehran’s municipality. Jamshid Ansari, Zanjan governor-general, is a veteran of the civil war in Iranian Kurdistan in the 1980’s, but soon shifted to a civilian career.

Only Ali-Reza Razm-Hosseini has significant IRGC experience. The Kerman governor-general served as IRGC commander Qassem Suleimani’s deputy in the 41^st Sarallah Division. Even then, Razm-Hosseini is better known for his economic achievements since the end of the war with Iraq than for his ties with the Guards.

The IRGC has yet to respond to its diminished role in Rouhani’s cabinet and among his governor-generals. However, it is almost a certainty that the Guards will strike back.  The Joint Plan of Action, the interim nuclear deal signed last month between the Rouhani government and the P5+1, may afford the Guards such an opportunity. Nothing would be easier for the Guards than to accuse Iran’s new president of selling out the regime’s nuclear gains.

Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.